colectanea 1 blog - English

CIVIL SOCIETY AND GOVERNANCE

First words

My English writing and reading will, for sure, require your indulgency to be greater then that you may have conceded before. As such do please accept my anticipated apologies. And, second, my deepest gratitude for the length of time and tolerance you may have to endure.

Introduction

Our first words are of gratitude to the Institute of Strategic Studies and the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. For making possible this gathering of experiences and of citizens committed to the work and development of our civil societies and countries. And we would also like to take this opportunity to extend our salute to all the distinguished delegates and guests that we have the privilege of sharing this event with.

Our contribution is one with no certitudes. I had my journey of absolute truth and unquestionable certitude. And hope and a better sense of wisdom are the only survivors of that exciting journey.

My generation saw the omnipresence of a colonial and fascist regime, the tragedy of segregation and all reminiscences that follow through. We endure more then a century of single party regime. First a foreign one associated to the darkness of forgone evils. Then a national one saluted by all as Messiahs for it gave all hope and remedy.

It also gave us conscience of the region we lived in. And above all gave us the hardship of unfriendly neighborhoods – at that time - and a violent war. First from aboard and finally well rooted in our own blood and territory.

We did resist the hardships and actually, some of us, found inspiration and new energies in that same pain. My generation hardly had the time to learn how to esteem a leader like Samora Machel for he was taken away from us to soon. And for a short while, he was to soon forgotten too.

As if the drama of politics was not sufficient as a life tutor, the cyclical exposure of Mozambique to natural disasters as only served to make the all picture worst. Mainly if you believe good will and determination are good enough to change the world.

The pragmatism of Chissano and his team put the country back in the rout for peace. And with that our collective believe that peace was the only missing factor for a better life for all Mozambicans was reborn. But once again we fell short of our so much awaited dreams and hopes.

It is true we are today much better then we ever did. But it is also true there are yet so many Mozambicans waiting for their dreams to come true. Young Mozambicans to be more precise. And although the journey has already walked a long way, for many it looks like a never ending one. And so it seems it must be.

That is in a nut shell the story of my journey of certitude and hope. And the reason why hope is all I have to talk about.

Comparing civil society yesterday and today

My first volunteer assignment dated back to 1971. I was 14 years old and was asked to draw and post the adverts of a cine club session. The materials used for that assignment were modest to say the least. But my drawings skills were even worst. However, cine club members still read the adverts and came to the sessions.

Those days the adverts format matter little. For the gathering of like minded people, with common concerns, was paramount. And every cinema debate ended, almost always, with a discussion about the colonial war, in Mozambique, and its legitimacy. Further more, in a very discreet manner, some started suggesting the legitimacy of the struggle for independence.

At that time, as much as it may sound strange for some of you, there was strong censorship, affecting what you were about to see in movies, read in books or listen to in theatre plays and songs.

The only existing civil society organizations were those developed and encouraged by the regime. Exception made to a few sporting and cultural organizations, that the regime either turned a blind eye to or saw no danger in their existence. That was the case of cine clubs. However, even so, in our innocent cinema sessions, we always enjoyed the un-invited presence of a few devoted employees from the censorship and security services.

First perception

As the presenter of this paper, one is forced to have the above period as the first one to compare with Mozambican civil society today. And yes, the changes are enormous. Censorship is over and all kind of civil society organizations are now allowed to exist and operate. And so is freedom of press and multiparty democracy.

My generation had the privilege of being in its teens when independence of Mozambique was proclaimed, in 25 June 1975, and thus to witness the beginning of a new nation. That is, having the privilege of participating in a country’s such wonderful moment, at a human being’s most fascinating stage of life. And those days are our second term of comparison.

Second Perception

In that respect, change comes with a mixture of good and bad. As much as there is much more freedom today then it was after independency, citizens do not use it to its maximum potential. And that is true mainly to young citizens.

Lack of employment, scars from a war resolved not much long ago and the still prevailing inability of the sate to protect honest citizens from acts of the organized crime, are some of the factors that may altogether dictate that status quo.

The first multiparty democracy constitution was approved in 2 November 1990. The first multiparty elections took place in 1994. The first elected government was sworn in January 1995. That moment is our third reference.

For it ended the war and gave our citizens, again, the right to be happy and “pursuit their happiness”. For many it was also a moment to go back to where the war had left us. Back to hope. And many did believe so. But not so many had that same sense of hope duly rewarded.

Third perception

Some scholars believe a cause for the previous war was the policies followed by the new independent government towards rural Mozambique. But so it happened again, after the war. The reconstruction of Mozambique was driven into a process with three gear development speeds and stages.

Maputo and its surroundings, in that sense, are in the top of that scale. Provincial capitals come second along with some exceptional districts, such as Nacala, Songo and Vilankulo. Third gear applies to most of the rest of the country, where poor infrastructure, fragile democratic construction and minor presence of all basic key services remain critical.

Balancing civil society and governance yesterday and today …

The challenge for civil society has been, over the last 50 years, to overcome more then a century of a single party regime and all the inertia that comes along.

That combined with three wars and less then twenty years of peace in that half of a century. Wars, as you all know, and as a well respected Mozambican journalist, Albino Magaia once said, do not only kill lives and destroy infrastructure, but they do also significantly damage the social fabric of a nation and that of their citizens.

All the above is only made more challenging by the complex ethnic and linguistic construction of our country. With three major linguistic groups, more then ten national languages and its dialects spoken, on top of Portuguese, the official language, Mozambique is a nation in the making, with an urban minority familiar with democracy – as we urban people perceived it - and greatly exposed to technology and globalization, fighting is way through along with a rural majority, almost unexposed to that democracy, technology and globalization.

And as much as it might sound strange, cell phones seem to be, in rural areas, the first beacon of exposure to the technology and globalization rural areas lack so much. Which prompts us to ask, with a combined dose of irony and hope - Will the seeds for the democratic participation and modernization also come in the shape and by the means of cell phones?

Brief chronology of Mozambican CSOs

It may be peaceful to say that the first expression of any form of civil society construction in Mozambique belonged to our rural community leaders. Late Professor José Negrão, a distinguished scholar and activist, did more then once discuss that topic with me. For he also believed democratic participation had to return to its roots. To be as sustainable and solid as we all want it to be.

And that so much return to rural communities and their leaderships is no other then the return of our civil society to its roots.

Exogenous Churches enter our territory immediately after the beginning of the occupation.

Unions, Cultural and sporting associations – with a strong urban constituency - and NGOs come at a much later stage. It may be appropriate to situate their birth after World War I and II.

Brief geography of civil society presence and contribution

The geography of civil society presence and intervention has been, with a few exceptions, confined to urban or peri urban Mozambique. Even when CSOs reach the most remote areas of Mozambique they do so on a project basis, which is short in time and impact.

In that sense, it matters little how good is their will and presence in those remote parts of Mozambique. For it remains sporadic and does not manage to integrate – and be integrated – by the dynamics of the local economy, culture and religion.

Churches, in that sense, remain the strongest and more durable rural institutions. A role they fulfill together with very few health centers, schools and existing community leaders.

Does the “modus operandis” and financing of civil societies organizations (CSOs) provide room and motivation to go beyond? Let us hope it does.

CSOs and the rule of law

After independence a lot of legislation was produced in line with the then prevailing socialist policies. Very little was done however, in order to adequate the civil code (Mozambican bill of rights) that was first introduced in 1946, during the colonial and fascist regime.

In spite of the fact the constitution fully recognizes and encourages the role of CSOs the specific law that governs their activity dates back to 1946. Which is why, to date, the legal form CSOs use for registration and activity purposes is copied either from that used for private companies or the one for sporting associations. And so are their articles of association.

Whenever CSOs bring in legal elements, from other national frameworks, they often manage to have them approved by the Ministry of Justice, which governs the registration and activity of national CSOs. The Ministry rules its decision based on the text of the constitution in force and by turning a blind eye to the prevailing specific law, dated back to 1946.

That law makes no specific provision for CSOs and much less to any of the legal novelties brought in by the presence of foreign NGOs in Mozambique for the last 30 years.

Foreign NGOs are governed by the proceedings and rules contained in a decree of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation. And thus they are provided with a more adequate and detailed legal framework. For that decree fulfills, from a foreign NGO perspective, the role that for Mozambican NGOs is served by the Constitution and the 1946 law.

And although you may be told that nobody cares about the 1946 Law – and some of its subsequent amendments - and that very little harm may come from it, that specific law could very well be revamped and adequated. A process the Government started in 2003, with a certain degree of consultation, and that we hope will soon become the Law governing all NGOs in Mozambique.

After the first democratic elections the Government ended a set of privileges given to foreign NGOs during the time of war and natural disasters. Namely duty free import and export of goods related to project activities.

Those days, volunteers and NGOs workers were also given a package of duty free import and export in their first ninety days of arrival to Mozambique and by the time of their return to their countries of origin. The above also entailed the issuing of their residential permits and tax exemption. That was the time NGOs and their workers were only assigned to Government related jobs and projects.

The situation today has changed and Government has launched a new approach. Although Mozambican employees, and only them, were always expected to pay taxes, foreign NGO workers are now expected to do so too. Double taxation is prevented by the production of evidence that you are paying taxes in your country of origin.

Duty free is occasionally provided for some projects and is done on a case by case manner. But now NGOs have to go through all the legalities and logistics of inspection, the same ones applying to all other religious, sporting or corporate entities.

In the above new context, foreign NGOs are expected to report to the Foreign Affairs on an annual basis, while Mozambican NGOs are expected, by law, to carry on their mandatory Annual General Meetings, report back to their constituencies and make sure those constituencies are given a chance to debate and approve their Annual Plans and subsequent Budgets. A process that should be carried out to the level of the NGOs elected steering committees responsible for monitoring their executives, within the periodicity decided by their approved articles of association.

Channels of communication between Government and civil society

We firmly believe the construction of a democratic culture is a long process. A process where the elected government of the day and all existing democratic institutions - at state, civil society, corporate and associative level – remain its key players.

Last but not least, a process also able to convey the representation of Churches, Unions and community leaders. Participation is the heart of democracy. And wider participation is its lunges. No matter how difficult and long that construction may take.

In Mozambique that process is taking place around the Poverty Observatory (PO), an institution that places together representatives from government, donor community and all different walks of civil society (NGOs, Churches, Unions, Sporting Associations and Corporate sector).

The PO meets annually to debate and contribute suggestions and critics to the Government National Plan to Reduce Poverty (PARPA). Mozambique has already launched its PARPA II in 2006 and it has done so with a growing participation of all its stake holders.

Provincial POs have also been established and there is a trend to take them further to district level, which could be very well achieved by perfecting the role of the newly established District Consultant Committees.

CSOs Funding

For many years to date funding has been mainly dependant on the donor community. Some foreign NGOs have recently been encouraged by that donor community to partner with and fund Mozambican NGOs and Community Based Organizations (CBOs).

In the last four years the National Council to Fight AIDS (CNCS) has been granted large amounts of money, both by donors and government, which are to be allocated to foreign and national NGOs, once project submissions are made and approved.

Other donors have recently created mechanisms, at local level, to make the process of allocation of funds closer and friendly, mainly to local NGOs and CBOs. That seems to be the case with EU and DFID, only to mention some.

The issue of sustainability remains critical. Membership fees hardly make 3% of the total resources fundraised and spent with projects and core expenses.

Some believe volunteer work is an avenue that needs to be further explored in order to make sure the so much needed funds are sufficient to reach those really in need.

Volunteer work could also become a major school for the youth, where they could earn the practice so much needed for their first job and one where they could also get a wider exposure to the democratic school of participation, solidarity and a better perception of their country, citizenry and future.

CSOs and Political Parties

In urban Mozambique, the relationship between political parties and CSOs is not a major issue. But when you move closer to the rural country you will be exposed to some tensions.

More frequent complains refer to NGOs being to close to government authorities – meaning the ruling party - and so the impact of their services and benefits.

Although this is a case not to be dismissed it should be understood that those complains emerge in areas with great scarcity of resources, infrastructure and employment. And members of other parties may very well feel that way. As a matter of fact inequity in distribution of resources and opportunities has also been reported by citizens that happen to be members of the ruling party.

The only critical time the relationship between CSOs and Political Parties is questioned in a dramatic manner is during elections and when results are announced. That is true mainly for those NGOs that work in the domain of civic education or in the process of electoral observation.

However NGOs are not the only ones to be questioned and placed under that pressure. The same applies to journalists and people working within the electoral authority.

There is therefore a lot to be done in that particular aspect of the construction of a democratic culture.

Last elections have shown an increased abstention rate, nation wide. Citizens seem to be moving away from the political phenomena for it has not delivered to their hopes and expectations. And such a move seems to be more evident within the youth. And the youth seems to be the main victim of the current standards of unemployment and social exclusion.

Major achievements

Consolidation of peace in Mozambique, mainly in rural areas, is largely the result of the role of citizens and their leaderships. A culture of forgiveness made it possible for victims to accept back in their communities those that brought them hardship and the lost of beloved ones during the war.

The collective response of donors, Government and CSOs to assist those affected by natural disasters has to be mentioned has a second major achievement.

Mozambique cyclical exposure to natural disaster has prompted dramatic situations that did not make more victims and greater catastrophe only because of that same coordinated response.

The introduction of a modern law on freedom of press, currently under review for improvement, owns also a lot to citizens such as the late Carlos Cardoso and the civil society movement that emerged with that purpose.

The same can be said about the growing movement against corruption and for the betterment of the public service. A process that has been very well assisted by important segments of our free press that are daily engaged in making sure the misconduct of civil servants is duly exposed and the voice of their victims aired.

The PARPA I and PARPA II, although in their first beginnings, are for sure about to make a mark in the construction of a democratic culture. They have widened democratic participation in the work to reduce poverty and are bringing that process closer to provinces and districts.

Much needs to be said about the work being done for promoting the production, marketing and organization of Mozambican small farmers and the family sector, in order to help their struggle for survival and growth. The fact alone this process has started and has so far survived gives us hope. A major achievement in this area was the work done around the issue of land use, more specifically that carried out by a team of committed scholars and activists lead by late Professor Jose Negrão.

Last but not least, CSOs - and their wise partnership with Government - have to be praised for their work in educating, assisting and creating new opportunities, of life and social inclusion, for citizens living with AIDS.

In a country where the inertia of conservative values remains a critical barrier in the struggle against AIDS, particularly those values affecting women and children, CSOs have played a key role by going around those barriers in a creative manner.

And by gradually bringing community and church leaders to that wide round table where those issues need to be taken into consideration and resolved to the advantage of the majority of those affected and in need.

Major weaknesses

Most of our civil society major achievements seat in urban areas and its surroundings. A major weakness is therefore the one arising from the still poor presence of CSOs in the remote Mozambique.

The second one is related to issues of governance and transparency inside CSOs themselves. You can hardly question any government in those matters if your own organization hardly reports to its own constituency and does not promote democratic participation within its own ranks.

The above combined with the growing role of some NGOs in service providing makes CSOs vulnerable to the same issues civil society is supposed to challenge and change. And places them, once in a while, in a position hard to sustain, mainly if, it wants to remain loyal to its original purpose, that of being the voice of the voiceless and the hope of the hopeless.

Challenges of today, as we learn from the past and think about the future

As we said before rural representation is critical, and so is the question of governance and transparency inside NGOs. And so are the related matters of financial sustainability of CSOs.

Is there still room for CSOs to work as pressure groups? Or are those well funded NGOs condemned to evolve into the shape of international cooperation providers? Can those roles be kept together? What should NGOs do in relation to the side effects of the struggle against terrorism?

Where do we go from here in the battle against AIDS and natural disasters? How should we work to help provide wider access to water and better distribution of wealth? How should we engage in the debate – reduction of poverty or rather expanding the creation of wealth?

CSOs embryo hosted some of our liberation movements at times political parties were not allowed. As it was the case in Mozambique for the most of the time single party foreign structures govern the country. And they gave them support nation wide and all over the world. They did play a key role in assisting those struggling inside in order to make sure freedom could come at last.

The Anti Apartheid Movement (AA) too, played a key role in making the world aware of the true nature of apartheid. It helped questioning the then prevailing foreign policy, that of the famous constructive engagement.

CSOs were again instrumental in exposing the war raged by apartheid against independent neighboring countries, and their multinational organization, the Front Line States.

CSOs played a dynamic role in bringing cultures together, enabling citizens to learn and integrate far away cultures.

Mozambique survival immediately after independence was possible given – amongst other key factors - a modest but brave contribution by a group of international NGOs that send teachers, doctors and engineers to help the newly born nation.

We are not driven by nostalgia as we remind ourselves of those facts. But merely by a question that we have to ask ourselves once again – are we, CSOs, today paving new avenues and walking uncharted territory as we did yesterday?

Most CSOs do indeed resist and remain the voice of the voiceless, the hope of the hopeless. And so they must. For this are days of exclusion and anger as never seen before. For today the anger of many can access the technologies of a few and their actions impact on the lives of millions of innocents as never before they did.

The question obviously is not so much where to stand in this so called battle of civilizations. But to ask ourselves – is there anything else we can do? Are there ways to better assist those of us already working on the new FRONTLINES of the future?

Research and public consultation are growing domains of CSOs work nowadays. Indeed the role of key players such as the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) is bound to assist CSOs in venturing the new uncharted territories of our region, continent, and above all, of the complex world politics and economics that impact our daily lives in an unprecedented manner.

One example is that of the impact of world energy prices in our nations attempt to reduce poverty and fight AIDS and social exclusion. Not to mention all this military expenses that absorbed millions of dollars, designed to kill human beings and destroy the so little infrastructure that still exists and is already insufficient for the growing demand of our growing population.

CSOs were once the stubborn world sentinel against those signs that may drive our planet into dangerous dead ends. They were once that wonderful beacon of hope that gave the hopeless a reason to live another day and stand still.

CSOs are doing it still today. That is true. But that role has been mixed up with a variety of service delivery and international cooperation functions that may have, significantly affected their previous roles. Or to put it clearer, those new functions seem to have taken greater priority. There are consequences to that.

One possible first consequence is the wrong image some CSOs offer their targeted communities – their leaders and workers have better salaries then anyone else, better means of transportation, better housing, etc. That fact exacerbates the already existing social differences in spite of the fact all those exclusive benefits cease to exist once the CSO departs.

Another possible consequence is that, as new service providers, CSOs are also exposed to public dissatisfaction and criticism as they never did before. Not as much for the quality of their performance but, indeed, for the fact they are not able to serve all. And those left out may not forgive the way CSOs target their activity.

Finally, indigenous NGOs and some nationals working with foreign NGOs are already questioning the true motivations of some of their once role models. And they asked themselves why some NGOs keep doing the some work, within the same “modus operandi”, after so many years of a promised sustainable operation that was ideally designed to be, in the end, handed over to their sister organizations and to the so much mentioned targeted communities?

Altogether, the above facts may be responsible for a significant reduction of that trust NGOs use to enjoy within our communities. And we must not forgot that, on a variety of critical episodes in the past, CSOs were the only “interlocutor valuable” available. CSOs did mediate critical conflicts and so are they still doing today.

Very little has been achieved, after all these years, in terms of localization. Or at least that is what some donor agencies seem to suggest when refusing greater allocation of funds to indigenous CSOs. A decision they base on poor performance and lack of skills by the later ones.

Cosmetic transitions and fragile handing-over processes serve no purpose. That is certain. As it is true that foreign NGOs are welcomed to stay as long as they adequate their role and operations to the changing conditions of the communities they have chosen to serve.

For there always be a role for a non governmental type of “diplomacy”. That is, a role that emerges from the solidarity of all citizens of the world, irrelevant to their ethnic, religious, gender or social background.

A role that is so much critical for the FRONTLINES of the future. And as we said before, their emissaries are standing at our doorsteps with their desperate hands insistently knocking the doors of our conscience.

Ten years from now

We did before as we may do it again. Give peace a chance. Those emblematic words of John Lennon could never be so much true as they are today.

Ten years from now we would first like to believe peace is consolidated in our country, region and in the world.

The past has taught us how much peace is important for the wellbeing of citizens and their civil societies. An environment of peace, tolerance and inclusion is critical for the construction of a democratic culture, one of equal opportunities for all.

Globalization has opened so many new avenues but unfortunately only a few are able to walk that promising path. I believe in a globalization of equity and greater justice, one that must be decided and shared by a growing number of citizens, to their advantage and the betterment of their lives.

The cell phones have made the first step. They are indeed one of the most “democratic” tools of modern technology. Cell phones in today’s Mozambique compete with aspirin. A French friend of Mozambique use to say that one of Mozambique most important achievements – in times of war – was to be able to place a box of aspirins in almost every corner of remote Mozambique. Cell phones have done it now, in peaceful times.

Forgive the unintended publicity. What is at stake here is to prove that we can do with other tools and infrastructure the same cell phones have done so far.

Cell phones are already making a significant contribution to press coverage in Mozambique. Places that are not reached by newspapers and radio signal are actually served by cell phone technology. Citizens communicate now better, all over the country, then ever before.

An example can be drawn from the catastrophe of the earth quake that recently hit Mozambique and other countries of our region. Thanks to cell phones, relatives were able to communicate and offer comfort to their beloved ones. Citizens, Newspapers and relief agencies had a quicker grasp of the situation thanks to the nation wide net of messages that started immediately after the quake.

We would like to believe that in ten years time others will follow the path of the cell phone, namely its availability and capacity to enter and settle, where so many have never dared to go, and settle.

And let us hope peace and tolerance will grow in strength, as well as in the size and quality of their followers and supporters.

Last but not least …

Two topics remain open as far as the future of Mozambique, and eventually of our region, are concerned, namely the outcome of our joint fight against AIDS and the dilemmas faced by our youth.

Young citizens are, not surprisingly, those more affected by AIDS. There is nothing more appropriate then the youth to represent the future and to forecast the borders and contents of its possible outcome.

In an international event hosted by CNN and chaired by President Clinton this year, a young girl gave the world an astonishing and brave explanation about the sexual behavior of her generation – sex is free, she said, costs no money and is fun. And there is very little else there for us to do ….

What can you respond if challenged by such an honest and blunt statement? What else is there for CSOs to do that has not been yet properly addressed?

Two years ago we had the opportunity of addressing, in Maputo, an international forum on AIDS. And we asked ourselves, and those attending that forum, if it was human and fair to allow part of our teacher’s workforce to die given the fact we could not meet the costs of their treatment? As if training their replacements could be cheaper … or that we could guarantee that those newly trained would not contract the infection again!

We asked that forum also about the so much demanded change of attitude as the only and right panacea for all of our problems. Why then is AIDS scoring low in countries where pornography remains active and a promising industry as well?

We firmly believe we need to learn as much about negative as about success stories in the struggle against AIDS. We need to learn from mistakes. True. But we too need to learn and be inspired by success. As it has been the case in Brazil and India only to mention a few. In these countries, CSOs and government have combined already existing strategies with the local manufacturing and distribution of antiretroviral drugs. And that combination seems to play a fundamental role in the process to reduce the disease and its impacts.

AIDS unfortunately is not the only challenge threatening our future.

In that sense the task that lay ahead for CSOs in Mozambique is one of great challenge demanding full commitment and greater creativity.

The economics of our country do not have, yet and for the nearer future, the capacity to meet, alone, the hopes and dreams of our youth. Being it in terms of increasing current education admission rates, or, which is even worse, in order for the market to absorb those few that succeed in getting a place in the education system.

In the meantime, migration from rural to urban areas is in its pick and, once again, young citizens are the ones crowding those migratory moves. That migration process often crosses borders, as it is the case with South Africa. A situation, all of you are very familiar with.

We may all choose to ignore that part of our future already moving right before our eyes. Or we may choose to act, and at least start considering the implications of such events for the future of our countries. And eventually try to understand the deep root causes of that process.

We know some of those roots. Mozambique, like other neighboring countries have a long time tradition of supplying man power to the mines in South Africa. The fulfillment of that tradition, in some regions of Mozambique, is a prerequisite for an adult male to be accepted as such and therefore able to marry and start a new family.

But economics today have deeply changed that context. Like in other parts of the world, locals protect the few existing jobs for themselves. And instead of blaming economics, both locals and visitants blame each others in a non ending and bitter argument. To the extent they want abroad what they are nor able to surrender – to others like them - at home. So is the case, all over Mozambique, where locals blame refugees for almost every crime that takes place in their villages and cities.

Once again, young citizens are there, seating at both extremes of that plight. As if, their anger and loud arguments could change anything at all.

Research institutions and other CSOs may want to walk into this challenge and eventually emerge on the solution, rather then on the usual scapegoat side.

Someone said every problem comes with a solution within. We can not expect Human beings leaving under extreme hardship to be capable of that peculiar generosity and tolerance. That could be the combined role of churches, NGOs, researching institutions, and last but not least, the expected role of Governments and the corporate sector.

Is it the case that additional development and support to our agriculture, alone, could help reduce that migratory trend? Or could it be possible that by expanding basic infrastructure to these remote areas, more young citizens would prefer to stay then adventure the unknown journey? Or, who knows, that is in the end the final journey of Mankind, and there is little we can do to stop it, or even less, to bring some degree of pace and coordination to that migratory trend?

Whatever we choose to do, or not do, it may be useful to remind ourselves, again, that this is the future unfolding right before our eyes. And that those young travelers have ventured that journey with some cause, purpose and dream.

As their forefathers, they too cross our borders again. This time, the cause is not as sounding as those that made history not long ago.

These young travelers are not there for the pursuit of independence or freedom, as some unforgotten heroes of our nations did before. In that sense alone, their plight is not as honorable as the one championed, not much time ago, by our heroes. But it is one as much justified as the one done before.

Which may need as much resolving and courage as it was needed before. This time however, the so much courage and resolving must come from others as well.

Governments, donors, CSOs, Churches, researching institutions and corporate sector together are here so much needed as never before. Our future is passing through … and waiting.

“You may say I’m a dreamer” … And so it is. I only hope, as Lennon once said, that “I’m not the only one”.

Pretoria, September 2006